Benton GOP Resources

Resources

2011-02-14T16:35:00.000-08:00

County

Benton County Republican Party Platform

World's Smallest Political Quiz - Benton County Fair 2009

Top Ten Duties of a Precinct Committeeperson (PCP)

Resolution in Support of Federal Reserve Transparency

Benton GOP Library List (pdf)

State
Oregon State Legislators (Covering Benton County)

Sen. Frank Morse (R, SD-8)

Sen. Fred Girod (R, SD-9)

Sen. Brian Boquist (R, SD-12)

Rep. Andy Olson (R, HD-15)

Rep. Sara Gelser (D, HD-16)

Rep. Jim Thompson (R, HD-23)

Constitution of Oregon

The Oregon Constitution was framed by a convention of 60 delegates chosen by the people. The convention met on the third Monday in August 1857 and adjourned on September 18 of the same year. On November 9, 1857, the Constitution was approved by the vote of the people of Oregon Territory. The Act of Congress admitting Oregon into the Union was approved February 14, 1859, and on that date the Constitution went into effect.

National
Oregon's U.S. Legislators

Oregon's U.S. Senators

Sen. Jeff Merkley (D)

Sen. Ron Wyden (D)

Oregon's U.S. Congressional Delegation (Benton County is located in the 4th and 5th districts)

Rep. David Wu (D)

(RESIGNED 8/2011)

Rep. Greg Walden (R)

Rep. Earl Blumenauer (D)

Rep. Peter DeFazio (D), Oregon, 4th - DC (202) 225-6416, Eugene (541) 465-6732

Rep. Kurt Schrader (D), Oregon, 5th - DC (202) 225-5711, Salem (503) 588-9100

Republican National Committee (Chairman Reince Priebus) - (202) 863-8500

National Documents

Declaration of Independence

Constitution of the United States

Bill of Rights (Amendments 1-10)

(Amendments 11-27)

Letters and Speeches

George Washington's Farewell Address

The Gettysburg Address

Of Interest

The Founding Fathers on Redistribution

Sequence: From Bondage to Liberty and Back to Bondage

28 Principles of Freedom

The 5000 Year Leap

The Mount Vernon Statement

Rules of Civility and Decent Behavior in Company and Conversation

The Fate of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence

Our Elected Officials

2011-02-14T15:56:00.000-08:00

City (in progress)
County
State
Oregon State Legislators (Covering Benton County)

Sen. Frank Morse (R, SD-8)

Sen. Fred Girod (R, SD-9)

Sen. Brian Boquist (R, SD-12)

Rep. Andy Olson (R, HD-15)

Rep. Sara Gelser (D, HD-16)

Rep. Jim Thompson (R, HD-23)

National

target="blank">Barack Obama (D)

Oregon's U.S. Legislators

Oregon's U.S. Senators

Sen. Jeff Merkley (D)

Sen. Ron Wyden (D)

Oregon's U.S. Congressional Delegation (Benton County is located in the 4th and 5th districts)

Rep. David Wu (D)

Rep. Greg Walden (R)

Rep. Earl Blumenauer (D)

Rep. Peter DeFazio (D), Oregon, 4th - DC (202) 225-6416, Eugene (541) 465-6732

Rep. Kurt Schrader (D), Oregon, 5th - DC (202) 225-5711, Salem (503) 588-9100

Republican National Committee (Chairman Reince Priebus) - GOP.com, (202) 863-8500

Where Voters Stand Politically in Benton County -- 2009

2010-06-28T11:39:00.000-07:00

Where Voters Stand Politically in Benton County -- 2009

by

John H. Detweiler

Introduction and Summary

The purpose of this work was to determine how voters stand politically in Benton County Oregon. The "World's Smallest Political Quiz" was given to a self-selected sample of people. Bivariate densities were estimated from the sample for all Democrats, Libertarians, Republicans, and all other parties (including the non-aligned) in Benton County on a two dimensional field -- the dimensions being personal and economic issues. The number of voters in each party was obtained from the Benton County register of voters as of mid-September 2009. It was found that voters in Benton County tend to have libertarians tendencies. It appears that Republicans can win in Benton County by appealing to those libertarian tendencies.

The next (second) section discusses the World's Smallest Political Quiz and the sample of people taking the quiz. The third section discusses how the bivariate densities were estimated. The fourth section deals with the uncertainties in the samples showing the two dimensional means and confidence ellipses for each party and for the "average" voter. The fifth section contains the conclusions.

"World's Smallest Political Quiz"

The Benton County Republican Central Committee (BCRCC) gave the "World's Smallest Political Quiz" to all who would take it at the Benton County 2009 Fair. The fair was held between July 28^th and August 1^st. The questions asked and information about the quiz can be found on a flyer from the Advocates for Self-Government. The goal of the quiz is to determine where one stands politically.

(Images and graphs below are clickable for a larger view. Use your back arrow to return.)

The BCRCC makes no claims that the set of people taking the quiz was a random sample of Benton County voters. The sample was self selected; it consisted of people who stopped by the BCRCC booth and took the quiz. Forty Democrats, eleven Libertarians, 157 Republicans, and thirty-one people from other political parties, or who were not aligned with any party, took the quiz. The large number of Republicans relative to the other parties was not a surprise since the booth was a Republican booth. The sample is the only sample of this type that I know of; hopefully it is at least somewhat representative of the voters. The image to the right shows where all quiz takers are politically. The red dots are Republicans, the blue dots are Democrats, the green dots are Libertarians, and the yellow dots are all other parties and the non-aligned. As can be seen, the quiz results are shown in a two-dimensional field, the dimensions being personal issues and economic issues. The field is divided into Libertarian, Left, Centrist, Right, and Statist areas. The placement of the dots show where the quiz taker is located on those dimensions.

Not surprisingly, the Democrats tend to be on the Left and the Libertarians in the Libertarian area. The other/non-aligned tend to be in the Centrist and Libertarian areas. And, the Republicans tend to be in the Libertarian and Right areas. A few quiz takers seem to have political philosophies very different from their parties and may wish to rethink their political affiliations.

Bivariate Densities of Parties

The densities were estimated using the procedures in Silverman, 1986. An adaptive bivariate normal kernel was used. The reader is referred to Silverman for the details. Densities were estimated for the Democrats, Libertarians, Republicans, and all other parties combined, including the non-aligned. The original data was in increments of ten. The test taker had two scores -- one for personal issues, the second for economic issues -- which varied from zero to 100 in increments of ten. I mapped this data from zero to 100 in increments of one so that the curves would be smoother. I also included a constant in the distribution that made the volume under the distribution equal to the number of voters in the party instead of making the volume equal to one. I did this to make the contours more informative -- they show the density in people in one of 10,201 one-by-one squares which is more informative than the height of the density as a fraction.

Densities by Party

The estimate of the density of the Benton County Democrats is shown in the chart below. The software package would not rotate the chart so that it would have the same orientation as the two-dimensional quiz field above.

As can be seen there are two modes in this distribution. The primary mode is at the approximate coordinates 30 and 70. The secondary mode is at 50 and 80. The center contour of the primary mode is 20 people per square meaning that at the very center there are at least 20 people per square but less than 24 people per square. the center contour of the secondary mode is 12 people per square but less than sixteen people per square. The reader may estimate the number of people within a contour. As can be seen, the primary mode is in left area and below the statist-libertarian line and the secondary mode is close to the libertarian area..

The estimate of the density of the Benton County Libertarians is shown in the chart below.

As can be seen there are several modes -- which are all over the place -- in this distribution. The sample was composed of eleven people claiming to be libertarians but looking at the distribution, I wonder how many really were Libertarians. However, there are only 298 registered Libertarians in Benton County so they don't affect the big picture much.

The estimate of the density of the Benton County Republicans is shown in the chart below.

As can be seen, there are two modes. The primary mode is located at 95 and 60 and the secondary mode is located at 80 and 40. This density estimate is probably the best of the four in that the sample had 157 data points. The primary mode is clearly in the libertarian area and the secondary mode is on the left side of the right (conservative) area -- and close to the libertarian area. It appears that Benton County Republicans are not really conservative; they tend to be libertarian.

The estimate of the density of all other parties and the non-aligned is shown in the chart below.

This is the most interesting chart of the four charts. This group is arrayed down the center of the field with the primary mode located at 80 and 50 and the secondary mode located at 85 and 80. Moreover, there are many people in the centrist area. This group tends to be libertarian and to the right of the center of the field. It is the group that Republicans need to attract.

Density of All Voters

The chart below shows the estimate of the density of all voters in Benton County. The chart is the sum, square-by-square, of the four charts above.

The reader will notice that the primary and secondary modes are where the primary and secondary modes are for the Democratic party. The tertiary mode, at 80 55, is the sum of the Republican modes and the Other primary mode -- with a little help from Libertarians.

It is clear that the left dominates in Benton County. The right -- people to the right of the line running from 0,0 to 100,100 constitute only 43% of Benton County. It is also clear that on the libertarian-statist divide, the libertarians dominate. 70% of the people fall above the libertarian-statist line.

Since we only need 50% plus one vote, the question is where to draw the line on the issue field to include 50% (+) of the voters. If one draws a line where the sum of the coordinates equals 117, the voters on the libertarian side of that line equals 50% of the electorate. If one draws two lines where the value of the economic issue coordinate is greater than 40 and the sum of the coordinates is equal to 112.5, 50% of the voters are on the libertarian side of those lines.

Median Voter Theorem

According to the median voter theorem, assuming everyone votes, the candidate who captures the median wins. If a candidate alienates voters and they don't vote -- shifting the median away from themselves, the candidate captures the median of those who do vote. This theorem applies to one or more dimensions. (The reader is referred to Hinch, 1997, for more information.) The trick is for a candidate to pick positions that are closer to the median than the opponent but not so far from the positions of the more extreme voters on the candidate's side that the more extreme voters don't vote. The medians for the economic and personal dimensions are 52 and 65 respectively -- a point on the line where the sum of the coordinates equals 117.

Confidence Ellipses

The density charts above do not capture the uncertainties created by the different, and limited, numbers of data points. Therefore, I plotted mean positions and confidence ellipses of those means for each group -- Democrats, Libertarians, Republicans, and Others/NA. I also plotted the mean, and median, and confidence ellipse for the "average" voter. The details on plotting confidence ellipses can be found in Johnson, 1988.

Group Plots

The chart to the left shows where each group -- Democrats, Republicans, Libertarians, and Other/NA -- stands as a group. The plot shows the means of personal and economic issue scores and the 95% confidence ellipse¹ of the means for each group.

The mean location for the Libertarians is in the Libertarian area but the confidence ellipse is quite large reflecting the small sample. The location of the other/non-aligned mean is not unexpected. However, the mean other/non-aligned location may well be in the libertarian area. I suspect that the location of these two sets of means reflects the Libertarian streak that runs throughout Oregon.

The mean location for the Republicans is in the Libertarian area, not the Right area. The confidence ellipse is relatively small reflecting the relatively large sample. There is a reasonable probability that the mean location is in the Centrist area but it is probably not in the Right area which tells us that the Benton County Republicans are probably a libertarian-centrist group, not a right wing group. The mean location of the Republicans is very close to that of the Libertarians.

The mean location for the Democrats is on the Left, but not on the far left. However, there is a significant probability that the mean location is in the Centrist area and a small probability that the mean location is in the Libertarian area.

Average Voter Plot

The chart to the right shows the mean, median, and 95% confidence ellipse of the "average" voter. The average voter was estimated by simulating the position of a linear combination of Democrats, Republicans, Libertarians, and Other/NA using the fraction of voters in each group as the weights for each group. The simulation was done 10,000 times. A reference on simulation is Naylor, 1966. I plotted the median of the simulations because the probability distributions of the scores of each group were truncated bivariate normal distributions and I did not know what effect the truncations -- variables range from 0 to 100 -- would have. Obviously, the truncations did not have much effect.

The mean-median point of the average voter is 55, 63 -- in the libertarian left quadrant of the centrist area -- which is close to the median (52,65) of the density plot for all voters. The major and minor axes of the ellipse are 25 and 23 respectively. There is a significant amount of uncertainty in the location of the mean-median. The sum of the mean-median scores is 118; for all practical purposes equal to the 50% dividing line between libertarian-statist discussed above.

Conclusions

Assuming that this sample is at least somewhat representative, the Benton County voter is probably more libertarian than statist. Moreover, the average voter is probably not on the far left, or the far right. However, the Democrats are clearly to the left of everybody else. Another way of describing the data may be to say that Republicans, Libertarians, some Democrats, and Others/NA seem to share many values, while many Democrats are alone in statist-left-field. Generally speaking, Democrats outnumber Republicans. Republicans and Others/NA outnumber Democrats. It seems reasonable that candidates who are positioned at the intersection of Republicans, Libertarians, and Other/NA -- economic dimension of about 70 and personal dimension of about 60 -- could capture more than 50% of the electorate, including the more libertarian Democrats, not alienating many of the more extreme elements of the Republican Party, and easily winning in Benton County. Such a candidate might even win in Corvallis.

References

Hinch M.J. & M.C. Munger. Analytical Politics. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge UK. 1997. 253p.
Johnson R.A. & D.W. Wichern. applied Multivariate Statistical Analysis. Prentice Hall. Englewood cliffs, NJ. 1988. 607p.
Naylor, T.H., J.L. Balintfy, D.S. Burdick & K. Chu. Computer Simulation Techniques. John Wiley & Sons, Inc. New York. 352p.
Silverman, B.W. Density Estimation for Statistics and Data analysis. Chapman and Hall. London and New York. 1986. 175p.

¹The 95% confidence ellipses are actually a bit greater than 95% because the means are bounded by 0 and 100. I could have estimated that area but did not because it would not really shed more light on the situation.

Fate of the Signers

2010-06-20T23:17:00.000-07:00

The Signers of the Declaration of Independence

Have you ever wondered what happened to the 56 men who signed the Declaration of Independence?

Five signers were captured by the British as traitors, and tortured before they died.
Twelve had their homes ransacked and burned.
Two lost their sons serving in the Revolutionary Army; another had two sons captured.
Nine of the 56 fought and died from wounds or hardships of the Revolutionary War.
They signed and they pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor.

What kind of men were they?

Twenty-four were lawyers and jurists. Eleven were merchants, nine were farmers and large plantation owners; men of means, well educated, but they signed the Declaration of Independence knowing full well that the penalty would be death if they were captured.

Carter Braxton of Virginia, a wealthy planter and trader, saw his ships swept from the seas by the British Navy. He sold his home and properties to pay his debts, and died in rags.

Thomas McKeam was so hounded by the British that he was forced to move his family almost constantly.. He served in the Congress without pay, and his family was kept in hiding. His possessions were taken from him, and poverty was his reward.

Vandals or soldiers looted the properties of Dillery, Hall, Clymer, Walton, Gwinnett, Heyward, Ruttledge, and Middleton.

At the battle of Yorktown, Thomas Nelson, Jr., noted that the British General Cornwallis had taken over the Nelson home for his headquarters. He quietly urged General George Washington to open fire. The home was destroyed, and Nelson died bankrupt.

Francis Lewis had his home and properties destroyed. The enemy jailed his wife, and she died within a few months.

John Hart was driven from his wife's bedside as she was dying. Their 13 children fled for their lives. His fields and his gristmill were laid to waste. For more than a year he lived in forests and caves, returning home to find his wife dead and his children vanished.

So, take a few minutes while enjoying your 4th of July holiday and silently thank these patriots. It's not much to ask for the price they paid.

Remember: freedom is never free!

The Gettysburg Address

2010-02-01T22:30:00.000-08:00

President Abraham Lincoln
Gettysburg, Pennsylvania
November 19, 1863

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. --Abraham Lincoln

On June 1, 1865, Senator Charles Sumner commented on what is now considered the most famous speech by President Abraham Lincoln. In his eulogy on the slain president, he called it a "monumental act." He said Lincoln was mistaken that "the world will little note, nor long remember what we say here." Rather, the Bostonian remarked, "The world noted at once what he said, and will never cease to remember it. The battle itself was less important than the speech."

George Washington's Farewell Address

2010-02-01T22:05:00.000-08:00

To the People of the United States
FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:

1 The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

2 I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

3 The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea.

4 I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.

5 The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

6 In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; than, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation, which is yet a stranger to it.

7 Here, perhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

8 Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

9 The unity of Government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

10 For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of american, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.

11 But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole.

12 The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

13 While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.

14 These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.

15 In contemplating the causes, which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those, who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens?

16 To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established Government.

17 All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests.

18 However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines, which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

19 Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of our common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

20 I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.

21 This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

22 The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.

23 Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

24 It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.

25 There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in Governments of a Monarchical cast, Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

26 It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way, which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.

27 Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

28 It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?

29 Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

30 As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen, which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

31 Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices ?

32 In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Nations has been the victim.

33 So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

34 As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

35 Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

36 The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

37 Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

38 Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

39 Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?

40 It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

41 Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

42 Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

43 In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

44 How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

45 In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793, is the index to my Plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

46 After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

47 The considerations, which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

48 The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

49 The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

50 Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

51 Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views it in the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

George Washington
United States - September 17, 1796
Source: The Independent Chronicle, September 26, 1796.

28 Principles of Freedom

2010-02-01T22:01:00.000-08:00

The only reliable basis for sound government and just human relations is Natural Law.
A free people cannot survive under a republican constitution unless they remain virtuous and morally strong.
The most promising method of securing a virtuous and morally stable people is to elect virtuous leaders.
Without religion the government of a free people cannot be maintained.
All things were created by God, therefore upon Him all mankind are equally dependent, and to Him they are equally responsible.
All men are created equal.
The proper role of government is to protect equal rights, not provide equal things.
Men are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights.
To protect man's rights, God has revealed certain principles of divine law.
The God-given right to govern is vested in the sovereign authority of the whole people.
The majority of the people may alter or abolish a government which has become tyrannical.
The United States of America shall be a republic.
A constitution should be structured to permanently protect the people from the human frailties of their rulers.
Life and liberty are secure only so long as the right of property is secure.
The highest level of prosperity occurs when there is a free-market economy and a minimum of government regulations.
The government should be separated into three branches - legislative, executive, and judicial.
A system of checks and balances should be adopted to prevent the abuse of power.
The unalienable rights of the people are most likely to be preserved if the principles of government are set forth in a written constitution.
Only limited and carefully defined powers should be delegated to government, all others being retained in the people.
Efficiency and dispatch require government to operate according to the will of the majority, but constitutional provisions must be made to protect the rights of the minority.
Strong local self-government is the keystone to preserving human freedom.
A free people should be governed by law and not by the whims of men.
A free society cannot survive as a republic without a broad program of general education.
A free people will not survive unless they stay strong.
"Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations - entangling alliances with none."
The core unit which determines the strength of any society is the family; therefore, the government should foster and protect its integrity.
The burden of debt is as destructive to freedom as subjugation by conquest.
The United States has a manifest destiny to be an example and a blessing to the entire human race.

Source: Over 150 volumes of the Founding Fathers original writings, minutes, letters, biographies, etc. distilled in The Five Thousand Year Leap, by W. Cleon Skousen, Published by The National Center for Constitutional Studies, 1981.

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Sequence: From Bondage to Liberty and Back to Bondage

2009-10-17T13:59:00.000-07:00

Via email:
In 1776, Representatives of the original thirteen colonies assembled and wrote the Declaration of Independence. With this document, our founding fathers proclaimed to the world that America was a democratic republic:

"We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."

Ironically, that same year Alexander Fraser Tytler, a European historian published The Decline and Fall of the Athenian Republic. In his publication, Tytler reported that from his research he had determined the following:

"A democracy cannot exist as a permanent form of government. It can only exist until the voters discover they can vote themselves largesse from the public treasury. From that moment on, the majority always votes for the candidates promising them the most benefits from the public treasury, with the result that a democracy always collapses over a loss of fiscal responsibility, always followed by a dictatorship. The average of the world's great civilizations before they decline has been 200 years. These nations have progressed in this sequence:

From bondage to spiritual faith,
From spiritual faith to great courage,
From courage to liberty,
From liberty to abundance,
From abundance to selfishness,
From selfishness to complacency,
From complacency to apathy,
From apathy to dependency,
From dependency back again to bondage."

Related:
The Truth About Tytler
From Apathy to Dependence to Bondage [See TODAY and GOING FORWARD]

Going Forward: "The immediate hope for America is for Americans to once again declare their independence of the elite despot ruling class. To accomplish this, YOU must make it crystal clear to all your elected representatives and officials, i.e. President, US Senators and Representatives, Governor, State Senators and Representatives, etc. that you hold them accountable for any/all socialistic legislation and actions that facilitate America's slide toward dependency and bondage. It is imperative that YOU make them believe that the consequence for ignoring your mandate is their removal from office at the first opportunity."Of Interest: When this 'Sequence' email started circulating in 2000, conservative blog sites took interest in the context and most surmised that we were in the "From complacency to apathy" phase, while liberal bloggers took issue with the authorship (which is questionable) but completely ignored the context and made no attempt to determine where the United States fits in the sequence. Election demographics were also added to the email, which were questionable as well. (See Snopes.com)

Proposed Resolution in Support of Federal Reserve Transparency:

2009-09-18T15:00:00.000-07:00

The Central Committee of the Benton County, Oregon Republican Party Resolution of SUPPORT for HR 1207 - The Federal Reserve Transparency Act of 2009 and S 604 - The Federal Reserve Sunshine Act of 2009   

Whereas, we, as PCPs of the Benton County Oregon Republican Party applaud transparency and accountability in government and reject government secrecy involving monetary policy that impacts the entire economy; and 

Whereas, serious discussions of proposals to oversee and audit the Federal Reserve are long overdue; and 

Whereas, the Federal Reserve can enter into agreements with foreign governments and foreign central banks and the United States Congress is prohibited from overseeing these agreements; and 

Whereas, we, as PCPs of Benton County Oregon Republican Party, believe agreements made by the Federal Reserve with foreign powers and foreign banking institutions should be subject to Congressional oversight; and 

Whereas, Article I, Section 8 of the United States Constitution, gives only the United States Congress the authority to coin Money and regulate the value thereof; and 

Whereas, auditing the Federal Reserve will allow Congress to assert its constitutional authority over monetary policy and help to protect the value of the United States dollar; and 

Whereas, 1st District Representative David Wu, 2nd District Representative Greg Walden, and 4th District Representative Peter DeFazio have signed on as a co-sponsors to HR 1207, as of June 8, 2009 among 282 co-sponsors.

Therefore, BE IT RESOLVED, that we, the Central Committee of the Benton County Oregon Republican Party, commend Representatives Wu, Walden, and DeFazio for their defense of the United States Constitution, and STRONGLY URGE 3rd District Representative Blumenauer, 5th District Representative Schrader, Senator Merkley, Senator Wyden, and all the representatives and senators of the 111th United States Congress to support the Federal Reserve Transparency Act of 2009 and The Federal Reserve Sunshine Act of 2009.     

WSPQ

2009-08-15T00:08:00.000-07:00

World's Smallest Political Quiz - Benton County Fair 2009 - BCRCC
by
John H. Detweiler

The Benton County Republican Central Committee (BCRCC) gave the "World's Smallest Political Quiz" to all who would take it at the Benton County (Oregon) 2009 Fair. The fair was held between July 28th and August 1st. The questions asked and some information about the quiz can be found on a flyer from the Advocates for Self-Government (pdf). More information about the quiz can be found at the web site mentioned in the flyer. This quiz is not a product of the Republicans; and, as the BCRCC reads the supporting information, the quiz is non-partisan. The goal of the quiz is to determine where one stands politically.

The BCRCC makes no claims that the set of people taking the quiz was a random sample of Benton County voters.

The sample was self selected; it consisted of people who stopped by the BCRCC booth and took the quiz. Forty Democrats, eleven Libertarians, 157 Republicans, and thirty-one people from other political parties, or who were not aligned with any party, took the quiz. The large number of Republicans relative to the other parties was not a surprise since the booth was a Republican booth. Hopefully the sample is not too biased to be somewhat representative of the voters. The image to the right shows where all quiz takers are politically. The red dots are Republicans, the blue dots are Democrats, the green dots are Libertarians, and the yellow dots are all other parties and the non-aligned. As can be seen, the quiz results are shown in a two-dimensional field, the dimensions being personal issues and economic issues. The field is divided into Libertarian, Left, Centrist, Right, and Statist areas. The placement of the dots show where the quiz taker is located on those dimensions.

Not surprisingly, the Democrats tend to be on the Left and the Libertarians in the Libertarian area. The other/non-aligned tend to be in the Centrist and Libertarian areas. And, the Republicans tend to be in the Libertarian and Right areas. A few quiz takers seem to have political philosophies very different from their parties and may wish to rethink their political affiliations.

The chart to the left shows where each group -- Democrats, Republicans, Libertarians, and other/NA -- stands as a group. The plot shows the means of personal and economic issue scores and the 95% confidence ellipse[1] of the means for each group. The software package would not rotate the chart so that it would have the same orientation as the two-dimensional quiz field above.

The mean location for the Libertarians is in the Libertarian area but the confidence ellipse is quite large reflecting the small sample. The location of the other/non-aligned mean is not unexpected. However, the mean other/non-aligned location may well be in the libertarian area. I suspect that the location of these two sets of means reflects the Libertarian streak that runs throughout Oregon.

The mean location for the Republicans is in the Libertarian area, not the Right area. The confidence ellipse is relatively small reflecting the large sample. There is a reasonable probability that the mean location is in the Centrist area but it is probably not in the Right area which tells us that the Benton County Republicans are probably a libertarian-centrist group, not a right wing group. The mean location of the Republicans is very close to that of the Libertarians.

The mean location for the Democrats is on the Left, but not on the far left. However, there is a significant probability that the mean location is in the Centrist area and a small probability that the mean location is in the Libertarian area.

Conclusions

Assuming that this sample is at least somewhat representative, the Benton County voter is probably more libertarian than statist. Moreover, the voter is probably not on the far left, or the far right. However, the Democrats are clearly to the left of everybody else. Another way of describing the data may be to say that Republicans, Libertarians, and Others/NA seem to share many values, while the Democrats are alone in left field. Generally speaking, Democrats outnumber Republicans and the non-aligned outnumber Democrats. It seems reasonable that candidates who are positioned at the intersection of Republicans, Libertarians, and Other/NA -- economic dimension of about 70 and personal dimension of about 60 -- could easily win in Benton County. Such a candidate might even win in Corvallis.

Note:

The 95% confidence ellipses are actually a bit greater than 95% because the means are bounded by 0 and 100. I could have estimated that area but did not because it would not really shed more light on the situation.

Top Ten Duties of a Precinct Committeeperson (PCP)

2009-08-14T21:57:00.000-07:00

PCPs serve for two years as a Republican Party representative in their own neighborhood. State laws specifies in ORS 248.015 (6) The term of office of a precinct committeeperson is from the 24th day after the date of the primary election until the 24th day after the date of the next following primary election. There are two PCP positions (one man & one woman) for every 500 voters registered in your precinct.
PCPs support all Republican candidates after the Primary Election. You are the eyes, ears and legs for candidates in your precinct. You play a critical role in selecting and electing Republican candidates for a wide range of positions; from the local school board to US Congress. You will be asked to volunteer on various campaigns in your area.
PCPs are the "grassroots base" of the Republican party. You are the liaison to the county party organization. This is a year-round commitment, which entails certain responsibilities; the most important is to keep in touch with your Republican neighbors. Recruit and train volunteers whenever possible. Maintain an updated database of the Republican voters in your precinct with phone numbers and emails when possible.
PCPs canvass their precinct going door-to-door passing out literature for candidates and the party, as well as talking to voters. Walking lists can be obtained from your county party or the local county elections department.
PCPs register voters. This can be done at events or just handing out voter registration cards in your neighborhood.
PCPs identify voters. Lots of voters consider themselves Republicans but are not registered with the party. Phone calls and personal contacts are good ways to identify which issues are hot buttons for them and whether they are likely to vote Republican. This information can be put in a database and used later for special mailings and other projects.
PCPs help Get-Out-The-Vote. Without votes even the best Republican candidate can't win. Making sure voters turn in their ballots by Election Day is the most crucial job you have as a PCP. GOTV (Get-Out-The-Vote) drives include phone banks and doorbelling. These efforts are especially urgent in the final days before the ballots are due.
PCPs participate in fundraising activities. They are often asked to volunteer at events sponsored by the local or state parties. Money is the mother's milk of politics.
PCPs attend meetings of the County Republican Central Committee. You need to attend the county party's reorganization meeting (usually held in November of even-numbered years) to elect party leadership. Other county meetings are also held throughout the year to formulate policy and develop strategies.
PCPs need to be flexible. There is no magic formula for success. Use your best judgment to inform voters and get them to cast a favorable ballot for Republicans.

The Founding Fathers On Redistribution

2009-08-14T16:50:00.000-07:00

“To take from one, because it is thought his own industry and that of his fathers has acquired too much, in order to spare to others, who, or whose fathers, have not exercised equal industry and skill, is to violate arbitrarily the first principle of association, the guarantee to everyone the free exercise of his industry and the fruits acquired by it.” — Thomas Jefferson, letter to Joseph Milligan, April 6, 1816

“A wise and frugal government… shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government.” — Thomas Jefferson, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1801

“Congress has not unlimited powers to provide for the general welfare, but only those specifically enumerated.” — Thomas Jefferson

“The moment the idea is admitted into society that property is not as sacred as the laws of God, and that there is not a force of law and public justice to protect it, anarchy and tyranny commence. If ‘Thou shalt not covet’ and ‘Thou shalt not steal’ were not commandments of Heaven, they must be made inviolable precepts in every society before it can be civilized or made free.” — John Adams, A Defense of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America, 1787

“With respect to the two words ‘general welfare,’ I have always regarded them as qualified by the detail of powers connected with them. To take them in a literal and unlimited sense would be a metamorphosis of the Constitution into a character which there is a host of proofs was not contemplated by its creators.” — James Madison in a letter to James Robertson

In 1794, when Congress appropriated $15,000 for relief of French refugees who fled from insurrection in San Domingo to Baltimore and Philadelphia, James Madison stood on the floor of the House to object saying:

“I cannot undertake to lay my finger on that article of the Constitution which granted a right to Congress of expending, on objects of benevolence, the money of their constituents.” — James Madison, 4 Annals of Congress 179, 1794

“[T]he government of the United States is a definite government, confined to specified objects. It is not like the state governments, whose powers are more general. Charity is no part of the legislative duty of the government.” — James Madison

“The Constitution only gives people the right to pursue happiness. You have to catch it yourself.” — Benjamin Franklin

Source: Sweetness & Light: The Founding Fathers On Redistribution
(Hat tip: Wallowa County GOP)

Bill of Rights

2009-08-14T01:26:00.000-07:00

The Preamble to The Bill of Rights

Congress of the United States
begun and held at the City of New-York, on
Wednesday the fourth of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty nine.

THE Conventions of a number of the States, having at the time of their adopting the Constitution, expressed a desire, in order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added: And as extending the ground of public confidence in the Government, will best ensure the beneficent ends of its institution.

RESOLVED by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concurring, that the following Articles be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States, as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all, or any of which Articles, when ratified by three fourths of the said Legislatures, to be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of the said Constitution; viz.

ARTICLES in addition to, and Amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America, proposed by Congress, and ratified by the Legislatures of the several States, pursuant to the fifth Article of the original Constitution.

The Bill of Rights: A Transcription
The Preamble to The Bill of Rights

Congress of the United States
begun and held at the City of New-York, on
Wednesday the fourth of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty nine.

THE Conventions of a number of the States, having at the time of their adopting the Constitution, expressed a desire, in order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added: And as extending the ground of public confidence in the Government, will best ensure the beneficent ends of its institution.

RESOLVED by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concurring, that the following Articles be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States, as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all, or any of which Articles, when ratified by three fourths of the said Legislatures, to be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of the said Constitution; viz.

ARTICLES in addition to, and Amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America, proposed by Congress, and ratified by the Legislatures of the several States, pursuant to the fifth Article of the original Constitution.

Note: The following text is a transcription of the first ten amendments to the Constitution in their original form. These amendments were ratified December 15, 1791, and form what is known as the "Bill of Rights."

Amendment I

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.

Amendment II

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.

Amendment III

No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.

Amendment IV

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

Amendment V

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.

Amendment VI

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence.

Amendment VII

In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.

Amendment VIII

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

Amendment IX

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

Amendment X

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.

Amendments 11-27
Bill of Rights

Note: The capitalization and punctuation in this version is from the enrolled original of the Joint Resolution of Congress proposing the Bill of Rights, which is on permanent display in the Rotunda of the National Archives Building, Washington, D.C.

BOOK: Set Up & Sold Out

2009-08-03T03:39:00.000-07:00

According to author, Holly Swanson, there is a tremendous amount of good that can result from the universal awareness of environmental issues and Americans should take continuous positive steps toward environmental excellence but she cautions, that Americans not allow themselves to be set up to be sold out by a radically oppressive, ideologically and politically motivated assortment of groups she refers to as “Greens”. She writes,

"The Greens are advancing their political plans disguised as progressive solutions to environmental protection. Greens plan to use fear of environmental doom to pass laws that will: control individual opportunities and actions; control business and; end private property rights."

"The Green plan calls for a complete social transformation that will erase our culture. The issue is, do we need to change everything about America to protect the environment for future generations?" Ms. Swanson reminds her readers of Aristotle's words: "All who have meditated on the art of governing mankind are convinced that the fate of empires depends on the education of youth." She then describes how radical green politics has become entrenched in America's school curiculum.

Do Green goals defy the U.S. Constitution? The author recommends these websites for further study: Earth Charter USA (read the Earth Charter), Green Party USA (see Platform) and Communist Party USA.

Holly Swanson is the founder and director of Operation Green Out! a campaign “to get green politics out in the open and out of the classroom.” To learn more about Operation Green Out! call 541-830-1446 or email greenout@earthlink.net.

Set Up & Sold Out is available through the Benton County Republican Women for $20. Pick up your copy at Republican Headquarters, 1760 SW 3rd St. in Corvallis or through your favorite bookseller.

BOOK: Back to Basics for the Republican Party

2009-08-03T03:05:00.000-07:00

Michael Zak is the author of Back to Basics for the Republican Party, the acclaimed history of the GOP from the civil rights perspective. From the first page of the book: "As you know, Democrats control most of the media, but they also write most of the history books, thereby controlling what even Republican activists think they know about our Party's glorious heritage."

Mr. Zak claims that Republicans squander political capital each time the anniversary of an important civil rights achievement goes by uncelebrated. Why is this? It is because the Republican Party has been the vanguard for the advancement of civil rights yet, over time, Republican's have let the Democrats define their party. Isn't it time that we rediscover our past so we, not they, can confidently and proudly define ourselves as we get back to basics? Visit Grand Old Partisan Blog and Know Your Republican Heritage for a taste of what you'll learn about the Republican Party, the people, and the events that have shaped our glorious party in Back to Basics for the Republican Party. From the book...

"The more we Republicans know about the history of our party, the more the Democrats will worry about the future of theirs."

Back to Basics for the Republican Party is available through the Benton County Republican Women for $20. Pick up your copy at Republican Headquarters, 1760 SW 3rd St. in Corvallis or through your favorite bookseller. Read more about Mr. Zak's book at www.republicanbasics.com. Mr. Zak can be contacted at grand_old_partisan@hotmail.com.

Photo of Mr. Zak by Paul Rentz, Corvallis, Oregon

Resources

2009-06-19T20:08:00.000-07:00

Page in progress...

County

Benton County Republican Party Platform

State

National

United States Constitution

Other

Benton County Republican Platform

2009-06-17T04:05:00.000-07:00

Preamble
As Republicans, we believe in people, see goodness in one another, and seek to protect the Constitutional rights of every citizen of our country.

We hold that the Constitution of the United States is just as applicable today in guarding those rights as it was when it was written. We believe that if citizens are provided with freedom to grow economically, to own their own homes, to become educated, and to worship freely and openly, there is no limit to what they can achieve!

We, as Americans and Republicans, dedicate ourselves to loving and protecting our families and our country, preserving our Constitution and respecting God, our Flag and each other.

Accommodation of ethnic, cultural, religious, political and societal diversity is important to a healthy society; however, we recognize the necessity of maintaining unity as a society and as a nation. We reject teachings that divide and encourage the breakdown of our nation.

We are Republicans because we believe. . .

Our nation’s strength lies with the individual. Each person’s dignity, freedom, ability and responsibility for self-determination must be honored

All Americans have the right under the Constitution to economic freedom, life, liberty, and equal protection under the law, regardless of race, creed, sex, age or disability.

Individual initiative and free enterprise have brought this nation opportunity and prosperity. Hard work and the ingenuity of our citizens, not the government, is America’s economic engine.

Government should be fiscally responsible, limited and non-intrusive. The best government governs least.

The proper role of government is to provide for the people only those critical functions that cannot be performed by individuals or private organizations.

The most effective, responsible and responsive government is government closest to the people.

Americans must retain the principles that have made us strong, while developing new, innovative ideas to meet the challenges of changing times.

We must preserve our national strength and pride, while working to extend peace, freedom and human rights around the world.

Therefore, as Benton County Republicans, we hold that ...

Responsible citizenship and personally responsible social and moral behaviors fortify a strong society. Good character is fundamental to being a reasonable, rational, respectful and responsible citizen.

Equal access to economic opportunity must be provided to all persons, so that the United States may continue to be a land of prosperity. Religion is a matter of personal conscience. The State should neither interfere with each person’s free exercise of religion nor favor any particular religion.

The family is the best institution for teaching values to the rising generation.

Education of our citizens regarding the sanctity of life is imperative so that each person can make responsible choices.

English must be the official language of the United States of America.

Benton County and the State of Oregon public officials must cooperate with the federal government in enforcing existing laws that regulate the right to vote and the privilege to drive and to receive public services. All who are not entitled to such rights must not receive them. Oregon’s Secretary of State should begin immediately to clean up voter registration rolls.

Publicly-funded, efficiently-administered education is a fundamental state obligation. We also welcome privately financed education as a competitive alternative to public education.

The equitable use of natural resources should be encouraged, thereby balancing the needs of people and the environment. We also recognize the value of renewable resources and the need for sound science in environmental policy.

The right of Americans to keep and bear arms is central to the Constitution of the United States. The Second Amendment provides a vital means for law-abiding Americans to protect themselves.

The Republican Party is not a single-issue group, although individual Republicans may be strongly committed to a particular point of view on important issues. We welcome new Republicans and encourage them to get involved, to elect common-sense Republicans to positions of leadership in Oregon and across our Nation. The Republican Party is the best vehicle for translating these ideals into positive, successful principles of government.

Local Planks in Benton County Republicans’ Platform

A diversified economy is a strong economy. If business is allowed to expand – with reasonable input from government -- revenue will be generated for education and other elements associated with prosperity. Further tax increases will only serve to reduce our prosperity.

Benton County Republicans encourage attracting new businesses and the retention and growth of existing businesses, goals shared by the Corvallis-Benton Chamber Coalition and the Economic Vitality Partnership.

Republicans realize that affordable housing is an important goal that will not be achieved as long as there is a shortage of buildable residential land in our communities. We call for policies that will make more buildable land available so that more families may live and work in Benton County.

We call for government to allow for growth and diversification of our local economy, thus making more family-wage jobs available. We view with alarm Benton County’s trend toward becoming a retirement community. Shrinking schools are a visible symptom of a great increase in the percentage of childless couples in Benton County over the past 25 years. We believe that children are our hope for tomorrow.

We encourage intelligent use of Oregon’s bountiful natural resources to create revenue that will offset disappearing federal supplements to our schools. Relying on government to do what we can do for ourselves fosters a dependent, stagnant society.

We ask our county commissioners and city councils to focus on local, not national, issues.

We condemn government’s use of eminent domain to take private property for the purpose of increasing tax revenues.

We recognize that communication and parental teaching of responsibility and self-control are keys to preventing drug abuse. We give wholehearted support to communities, education and public safety to fight and control the methamphetamine scourge that has placed Oregon as Number 1 in the nation per capita in meth use.

We support and encourage an informed citizenry to create a truly representative government and offer our website, http://bentongop.blogspot.com, as an alternative source for news of the community, the state and the nation.

Republicans are encouraged to support additional family-friendly measures, according to the dictates of their conscience. The Republican Party has a big umbrella!

(2007 Interim)

The Constitution of the United States

2009-06-16T03:59:00.000-07:00

We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.

Article I

Section 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.

Section 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature.

No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.

Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons. The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New-York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.

When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies.

The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.

Section 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote.

Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and the third Class at the Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one third may be chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next Meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies.

No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen.

The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided.

The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the Office of President of the United States.

The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present.

Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of Honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.

Section 4. The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators.

The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by Law appoint a different Day.

Section 5. Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide.

Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Concurrence of two thirds, expel a Member.

Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal.

Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.

Section 6. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place.

No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been encreased during such time: and no Person holding any Office under the United States, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in Office.

Section 7. All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as on other Bills.

Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by Yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law.

Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill.

Section 8. The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;

To borrow Money on the credit of the United States;

To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes;

To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States;

To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;

To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States;

To establish Post Offices and post Roads;

To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries;

To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;

To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations;

To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;

To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;

To provide and maintain a Navy;

To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces;

To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;

To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings;–And

To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.

Section 9. The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person.

The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.

No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed.

No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion to the Census or Enumeration herein before directed to be taken.

No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State.

No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another: nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear or pay Duties in another.

No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time.

No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.

Section 10. No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility.

No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing it’s inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Controul of the Congress.

No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay.

Article II

Section 1. The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same Term, be elected, as follows:

Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector.

The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each; which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted. The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President, if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal Number of Votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately chuse by Ballot one of them for President; and if no Person have a Majority, then from the five highest on the List the said House shall in like Manner chuse the President. But in chusing the President, the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from each State having one Vote; A quorum for this Purpose shall consist of a Member or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse from them by Ballot the Vice President.

The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day shall be the same throughout the United States.

No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States.

In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be elected.

The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that Period any other Emolument from the United States, or any of them.

Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation:–”I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.”

Section 2. The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States; he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment.

He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments.

The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session.

Section 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the Officers of the United States.

Section 4. The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.

Article III

Section 1. The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office.

Section 2. The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;–to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls;–to all Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction;–to Controversies to which the United States shall be a Party;–to Controversies between two or more States;–between a State and Citizens of another State;–between Citizens of different States;–between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects.

In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make.

The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed.

Section 3. Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court.

The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted.

Article IV

Section 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records, and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof.

Section 2. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.

A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime.

No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due.

Section 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new States shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.

The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State.

Section 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence.

Article V

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate.

Article VI

All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.

This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwith-standing.

The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States.

Article VII

The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same.

Done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of the Independence of the United States of America the Twelfth

In witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our Names,

George Washington–President and deputy from Virginia

New Hampshire: John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman

Massachusetts: Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King

Connecticut: William Samuel Johnson, Roger Sherman

New York: Alexander Hamilton

New Jersey: William Livingston, David Brearly, William Paterson, Jonathan Dayton

Pennsylvania: Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Thomas FitzSimons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, Gouverneur Morris

Delaware: George Read, Gunning Bedford, Jr., John Dickinson, Richard Bassett, Jacob Broom

Maryland: James McHenry, Daniel of Saint Thomas Jenifer, Daniel Carroll

Virginia: John Blair, James Madison, Jr.

North Carolina: William Blount, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Hugh Williamson

South Carolina: John Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butler

Georgia: William Few, Abraham Baldwin